Contradictions and Challenges: Unraveling Mexico's Complex Relationship with Women's Rights

Las mujeres que luchan Monument in Mexico City. Photo by UN Women/Ismael Jiménez.

Mexico is set to elect its first female president in history, and the leading candidates from both of the primary parties are women. Yet, in the midst of anticipation for Mexico's historic election, a disconcerting reality lingers: ten Mexican women and girls are killed every day by intimate partners or other family members. The recent nationwide decriminalization of abortion by Mexico's Supreme Court, a groundbreaking move for women's reproductive rights, stands in stark contrast to the alarming rates of femicide that persist in the country.

This glaring paradox encapsulates the complex tapestry of Mexico's stance on gender issues—a nation seemingly advancing in feminist ideals simultaneously grapples with a deeply entrenched culture of violence against women. In navigating the realm of female identity politics, women’s rights must extend beyond symbolic representation. Rather, female representation should come hand in hand with urging active endorsement and advocacy for the protection of women from violence.

Tackling this issue must begin with understanding the severity of femicide in Mexico. Femicide is defined as the criminal deprivation of life to a female victim on the basis of gendered violence. A murder can be considered femicide when it includes sexual violence prior to the victim’s death, a sentimental or trusting relationship with the perpetrator (like a husband or boyfriend), or the victim’s body displayed in public. Femicide victims are likely to be killed not by gun violence but rather by strangulation, drowning, suffocation, and stabbing. The personal nature of these killings reflects a type of cultural machismo, much akin to domestic violence, which is only exacerbated by a justice system that revictimizes women by failing to register police reports and performing clumsy investigations.

The anecdotal evidence is just as horrifying. Jeysol Amaya—a former club dancer from Campeche—was stabbed 37 times by her former partner and spent two months in intensive care; he still roams free. Minority populations are the worst affected, as indigenous women are more likely to experience gender-based violence, especially sexual violence, in comparison to non-indigenous women. 

The governmental and legislative response has been menial at best. In 2007, the Alert Mechanism for Gender Violence against Women (AVGM) was first adopted. The alert allows citizens to request a “gender alert” in municipalities where violence against women is increasing. The AVGM obliges local authorities to examine the situation, whatever it may be, and implement measures to end gender-based violence. However, the AVGM is not specific on what a situation constitutes to implement further measures. Despite that, since 2015, the federal government has declared more than two dozen AVGMs, with the Mexico City state 2015 alert still standing today. However, by Mexican authorities’ own admission, gains from alerts have been limited. Additionally, in the early 2000s, Mexican legislators formed a commission on femicide. The panel found that despite alarming trends of gender-based violence against women nationally, it was nearly impossible to get accurate data on the true number of cases. 

Mexico’s president, Andrés Manuel López Obrador, has refused to change governmental policy on femicide, which is symptomatic of the administration's orientation on gender-based violence. On International Women’s Day in 2020, 80,000 protestors marched through Mexico City and other cities in protest of femicide and increasing gender-based violence against women. In response, President Obrador announced that his government’s “long-term and ground-up” approach to dealing with gendered violence would remain. Increasingly disheartening, President Obrador commented that the mass feminist protests in recent years were a conspiracy of the conservative opposition against his administration. President Obrador has even gone as far as cutting the budget for shelters for victims of domestic violence.

As Mexican women grapple with the insufficient government responses to gender-based violence, they face a historic choice at the polls. Claudia Sheinbaum, a candidate from President Obrador’s Morena left-wing party, is a former Mexico City mayor and a longtime ally of Lopez Obrador. Sheinbaum has impressive qualifications—she holds a Ph.D. in engineering and served on the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change that won a shared Nobel Peace Prize in 2007. On the other side is former senator Xochitl Gálvez from the conservative FAM coalition, made up of PAN, PRI, and PRD parties. The daughter of an indigenous father and a mestizo mother, Gálvez served as the top official for indigenous affairs under former Mexican President Fox before becoming a senator for the PAN party.

Now the question remains: how can Mexico be heading toward its first female president when rampant machismo is present? The answer lies in the assumption of identity politics. Both women have made gender a central part of their early-day campaigns—Galvez, through her personal experience and Sheinbaum’s emphasis on women’s progress— yet there are still fundamental contradictions within their policy. One such example is Sheinbaum, who has agreed with President Obrador’s disparaging comments about feminist groups that protested against his government. As Mayor of Mexico City, she also remained silent as President Obrador implemented policies that actively harmed women, such as reducing the budget for domestic abuse shelters. And while Galvez personally supports abortion rights, the PAN party does not. 

There exists a prevalent assumption that individuals, based on their identity, will advocate for policies benefiting their respective groups. However, as the case in Mexico shows, party politics influence legislation far more than personal identity. While female representation is important, it is far more imperative to elect government officials who will enact material policies to address rampant misogyny and violence. Being a woman alone is insufficient; one must also actively endorse and advocate for women's rights. 

Official campaigning for the Mexican presidential race has not yet started, and either candidate could come forward with a comprehensive plan to address femicide. It is crucial for them to do so. Mexico is just one example illustrating that the societal advancement of women does not necessitate their safety. As women in Mexico make strides in achieving legal rights and representation in government, the rampant spread of femicide will continue until real legal and governmental change is pursued.

Regina Blenda Ayala (CC ‘27) is a freshman at Columbia College eager to study political science and history. You can find her trying new restaurants every weekend and enjoying the buzz of New York City. A proud mix of Paraguayan, Mexican, and Italian, she enjoys discussing foreign policy and diplomacy.