An Unexpected Revival: How The Russo-Ukrainian War Is Helping Italy Reestablish Itself as a Political Power

Milan’s Arco della Pace (Arch of Peace) Illuminated by the Colors of the Ukrainian Flag, March 19, 2022. Photo by Andrea Cerchi. 

Italians come together every year on June 2 to celebrate the ‘Festa della Repubblica’ (Republic Day). A national holiday, this particular date commemorates the referendum of June 2, 1946, which formally gave birth to the Italian Republic after years of fascist authoritarianism. Republic Day is characterized by grand celebrations, ranging from orchestras performing the Italian anthem in amphitheaters to air force jets recreating the Italian flag with colored smoke. 

And yet, as an Italian, it has over the years become ever more difficult to justify such festivities. Italian foreign policy over the last decade has significantly diminished Italy’s political worth. Namely, weakness and a proclivity to carry the water of other nations have become staples of Italian diplomacy, as Italian politicians have repeatedly shown an inability to take a firm stance against immoral action perpetrated by Italy’s allies. 

Nowhere has such troubled diplomacy been more evident than in the Crimean crisis of 2014. When Russia invaded and subsequently annexed Crimea in 2014, the international community was quick to condemn its actions. Nations such as the United Kingdom and the United States, along with bodies like the European Union, rapidly imposed burdensome sanctions on the Russian economy and the government of Vladimir Putin. Having been presented with a clear violation of sovereignty, many states proved courageous enough to oppose Russian imperialism. 

A few weeks into the invasion of Crimea, however, it became clear that Italy had little intention of doing likewise. Unlike several of its counterparts, the Italian government expressed little reproach for Russia’s actions. Silvio Berlusconi, at the time leader of Forza Italia, one of Italy’s largest parties, defined Crimea’s annexation as “democratic,” and characterized Putin as the “number one” leader in the world. Perhaps even more revealingly, Italy soon began pressuring the E.U. into limiting if not eliminating the sanctions it sought to impose on Russia. Such actions—both verbal and practical—revealed the weakness of Italy as a political force in the eyes of the international community. Faced with an economy that relied extensively on industrial, oil, and gas partnerships with Russian corporations, the Italian government lacked the fortitude and bravery necessary to stand up to Russia in the aftermath of the Crimean crisis. Put differently, Italy chose economic safety over political austerity. In doing so, it branded itself as feeble and acquiescing. 

Yet, Crimea is neither the first nor the most recent example of Italy’s inability to posture itself as strong, self-assertive political power. Earlier this year, in fact, an investigation conducted by the Italian newspaper La Repubblica revealed a series of secret meetings in the summer of 2019 between Giuseppe Conte, then prime minister of Italy, and William Barr, at the time United States Attorney General. During said meetings, Conte was reportedly asked to help Trump discredit “Russiagate” (the US investigation into Russia’s involvement in the 2016 presidential election) so as to help the American president win the 2020 presidential election. 

According to La Repubblica, Conte swiftly offered his help. This alarming account, which has sent shock waves throughout Italian politics in recent weeks, is yet another example of Italy’s political impotence. In lending aid to President Trump, Conte reaffirmed the age-old Italian inability to face the economic and political consequences associated with the alienation of dangerous allies. It is precisely this inability that is responsible for what has over the past several decades been a steady decline in Italy’s political power. Unwilling to stand for what is just, the country has instead proven incapable of assuming international leadership during times of crisis.  

In light of such a troublesome reputation, Italy’s response to the Russian invasion of Ukraine has been highly surprising. Headed by Mario Draghi, the Italian government has taken the lead amongst several other European countries in taking punitive measures against Russia.  Indeed, Italy has proven far more willing to sever its ties with the Russian energy sector than other major European nations. When the EU presented a significant sanctions package to its member states for approval on April 5, for instance, Italy opposed none of its measures. Conversely, Austria and Germany exercised their veto to prevent a ban on Russian gas from taking effect. Additionally, on March 11 Draghi announced a new energy deal with Algeria. Under this particular agreement, Italy is expected to increase Algerian gas imports by 40%—a move part of a larger effort to reduce Italian dependency on Russian gas. Germany, on the other hand, has taken no such steps. It continues to rely extensively on Russian gas and oil, providing up to $220 million to Russia every day solely via its energy consumption. 

Granted, Germany is one of the largest importers of Russian gas in Europe. But so is Italy. Prior to the war, 40% of Italian gas consumption could be traced back to Russia, the largest provider of natural gas in Italy. It is this statistic that renders the Italian government’s attitude in recent months so significant. In choosing to break away from Russian energy, Italy has demonstrated a newfound form of political courage and initiative. It has shown other nations it possesses resilience and is not afraid of retaliation, thus assuming a leading role in European politics by distinguishing itself from other, more reluctant nations. 

Italy’s confrontational approach to Russian energy imports reveals a shift in the political calculus of Italian politicians. Driven by a prime minister whose maturity and attention to detail have revitalized Italian politics, Italy’s government has proven that it is not afraid of taking risks. Most notably, it has done so by offering Ukraine’s president military assistance in his fight against Russia. During a speech given to parliament on March 23, Mario Draghi emphasized how “Italy wants to do more.” He has since substantiated this bold assertion by providing Zelensky with large caches of anti-tank weapons and anti-aircraft guns. The prime minister is also considering sending heavy armor to Ukraine. It is also worth noting that Italy has already stationed nearly 500 soldiers in Bulgaria and Hungary in an effort to bolster NATO forces.

This is nothing short of remarkable. In openly providing military aid to Ukraine, Italy has demonstrated it is willing to incur Russian retaliation to support an ally in need. Such intention is particularly credible given Moscow’s recent threats to Rome. On March 19, the Kremlin issued a communiqué stating that were Italy to take any further action against Russia, it would face “irreversible” consequences. Italy’s actions thus mark an unprecedented embrace of brinkmanship as a political strategy. In pursuing policy despite Russia’s rhetoric, Italy is reclaiming political power by showing its adversaries it would rather risk direct confrontation than endure political subjugation. 

Yet Italy’s political resurgence also owes much to the public posturing and rhetoric undertaken by Italian politicians in the aftermath of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. The Italian government has, in fact, emerged as one of Zelensky’s staunchest supporters merely by way of its language. When Draghi addressed parliament on March 19, he expressed his gratitude towards Ukraine, underlining how it was defending, by way of their “heroic resistance,” the “peace, liberty, and security” of Italy itself. He accompanied such words by promising the Ukrainian people, “We will never leave you alone.” The Prime Minister then went a step further, asserting that “Italy wants Ukraine in the European Union.” Similarly, Italy’s Minister of Defence Lorenzo Guerini dismissed Russian threats in late March as “propaganda,” underlining how “Italy stands by Ukraine and will continue to do so.” 

Such rhetoric is striking insofar as it represents an unequivocal commitment to Ukraine and its interests. By making these sorts of statements, Italian politicians are tying their hands. They are demonstrating the veracity of their commitment by making its abandonment politically costly. This practice is indicative of a newfound bravery and resilience, of a willingness to stand in firm opposition to a former ally, no matter how restrictive doing so may be. Such willingness is equally important, for it demonstrates to other nations the value of Italy as an ally that can be counted upon under all circumstances. Perhaps most significant, however, is the fact that the brazen comments of Italian politicians have been substantiated by action. The alignment of policy and rhetoric is vital to the credibility of any government and is in this case yet another indicator of positive change in Italian politics. 

Crucially, Italy’s actions have reaffirmed and strengthened Rome’s connection to Washington. Draghi’s efforts to go above and beyond in helping Ukraine have ensured alignment between American and Italian foreign policy. At a time when Russia is actively seeking to divide the West, this is bound to have been well-received by President Biden and Congress. Indeed, Draghi is set to meet Biden during early May for what would be the second encounter between the two leaders in less than two months. Cultivating an intimate relationship with the United States is crucial for Italy’s international position. If it continues to position itself as a close and reliable ally of America, Italy can expect to be treated with even greater respect by other nations, further solidifying its political resurgence. 

Overall, Italy’s response to Russia’s invasion of Ukraine has been commendable. It represents a shift in Italian foreign policy which has rewarded Italy with the political prestige that has proven so elusive over the last several decades. All this means that, when Italians congregate to celebrate the creation of their Republic on June 2, they will have good reason to do so. They will be celebrating not only the virtues of republicanism but also a country that has been politically reborn. 

Giulio Maria Bianco is a staff writer at CPR. He is a first-year student studying History and Political Science. During his free time, he can be found reading books on WWII or cooking pasta.