COVID-19 is the Final Straw: The U.S. Military Must Leave Okinawa

Nago, Okinawa: the relocation site for a U.S. Marine base. Photo courtesy of PBS.

Over the past 70 years, Japanese activists have fiercely protested U.S. military presence in their country. This opposition exists most prominently in the prefecture of Okinawa, an island south of the main Japanese islands that houses nine military bases. After World War II, the U.S. began constructing bases in Okinawa as part of the Treaty of Mutual Cooperation and Security between the United States and Japan. Okinawa remained under U.S. control until 1972. Currently, over 50% of American military personnel in Japan are stationed in Okinawa despite the disproportionately small size of the island in comparison to the rest of the country. These forces are meant to protect from potential attacks by Russia, China, or North Korea, as well as maintain a good relationship with Japan. However, significant military and social drawbacks render American military personnel a detrimental presence in Okinawa. The U.S. should reduce the number of troops stationed in Okinawa for the sake of the Okinawan people’s safety and well-being, as well as for America’s defensive capabilities. 

Maintaining such a large proportion of military facilities in Okinawa is not practical. The nature of plausible attacks from neighboring countries and the island’s geographical positioning lessen the capabilities of the U.S. Marines—the largest military branch present in Okinawa. For instance, if Russia were to attack Japan, the Okinawan Marine force would be insufficient for large military conflict and generally geographically immobile, even preventively. Furthermore, if China were to attack the surrounding islands, such as Taiwan or Japan, the U.S. would be better suited to deploy the Navy or the Air Force rather than the Marines. While Marines specialize in fighting in coastal regions and on land, Navy and Air Force personnel are naturally better at combat via water or air, either of which is more likely for China to pursue. The extensive Marine presence in Okinawa does not seem effective in the defense against the primary antagonistic countries in the region, such as China and Russia.  

While strategic disadvantages represent a significant factor as to why the U.S. should withdraw a majority of their troops—particularly the Marines—from Okinawa, there are two larger factors, both historically and more recently, that directly impact the livelihoods of Okinawans. Dating back to the bases’ initial establishment on the island, the native people have protested American military personnel’s use of violence, crude sexual acts, and pollution. The 1970 Koza riot exemplifies the opposition toward the American military presence, as Okinawans in the city of Koza stormed the nearby military base and spurred the island’s largest anti-American riot to date. These riots occurred after two separate drunk driving incidents by American military personnel resulted in the death of two Okinawans. In 1996, following the rape of a young Okinawan girl by an American serviceman, approximately 85,000 individuals assembled in protest against the island’s military presence and half a million people signed a petition encouraging change in the treaty that allows the U.S. to occupy Japan via military facilities. Around the same time, a poll conducted by a major Japanese newspaper found that 76% of Japanese individuals wanted a gradual removal of military personnel and facilities, while 14% wanted an immediate removal. The protests of the 20th century unfortunately yielded little success, but opposition has continued into recent years. In 2016, 65,000 people came together to protest the bases after American service members committed over 350 crimes against Okinawans, particularly sexually violent acts against women and girls between 1945 and 2011. Beyond the removal of U.S. military personnel from Okinawa, Japanese natives have also pushed for reform in regard to the punishment of these crimes. Due to the service members being American, the U.S. military—rather than the Japanese government or authorities—handles the issue, inevitably leaving most crimes unpunished and providing little incentive for service members to improve. 

More recently, despite Japan’s strict COVID entry policies, the military facilities are disproportionately responsible for the continued rise in cases. In January 2022, nearly 2,000 new cases were reported across U.S. military bases in Japan, while the entire country only recorded approximately 4,000 new cases. Okinawa was the epicenter of this recent spread as the virus did not remain contained to these bases and continued to infect local communities, inciting further protest. Similar to how the U.S. military maintains jurisdiction over the punishment of American crimes, the military facilities are also subject to American COVID rules despite being located in Japan. The military bases have entirely different quarantine and testing procedures than those that Japanese nationals or other foreigners must go through. Foreign Minister Yoshima Hayashi stated that military personnel receive testing three to five days after their arrival and do not need to quarantine. Conversely, non-military travelers must show a negative COVID test three days prior to their departure, receive another COVID test upon their arrival, and then complete a seven-day quarantine (10-14 days in prior months) either at home or at a local hospital, all in an attempt to eliminate the spread of each new COVID-19 variant. If travelers do not meet these requirements, they face deportation or other stark consequences. Not only do the COVID entry policies differ drastically in stringency, Japan’s foreign ministry was unaware of the lack of testing requirements for military personnel upon their arrival until a COVID outbreak was traced to an Okinawa military base. Furthermore, the military testing policies also differ from the rest of the country, as the Japanese government requires PCR tests to ensure greater accuracy, while the U.S. only asks military personnel to complete a qualitative antigen test. 

Overall, the U.S. should reduce the amount of military personnel in Okinawa, ensure greater accountability for the crimes of American service members, and increase communication with the Japanese government regarding cohesive COVID policies. While the maintenance of military bases across Japan is reasonable in theory, U.S. defense capabilities ironically become more vulnerable to potential attacks due to Okinawa’s geography and the large population of Marines, as opposed to a greater Navy or Air Force presence. Furthermore, and arguably more significantly, there is no indication that the animosity between Okinawans and the military personnel will be quelled anytime soon, as some American service members have exhibited a long history of exploitation and disrespect. With crimes such as murder and rape going unpunished, as well as frequent COVID outbreaks as a result of the U.S. military presence, the U.S. must withdraw a significant amount of their forces for the betterment of Japan. 

Elise Wilson is a staff writer for CPR and a second-year at Barnard, studying Political Science and English with an intent to attend law school.