The Aftermath of the Coal Boom: How The Coal Industry Underdeveloped McDowell County

Vance, a 15 year old coal miner in West Virginia, received $0.75 for 10 hours of labor. He began working in this coal mine several years prior and was typically left to sit idly in the darkness of the mine unless prompted to open or shut the door shown in the image. Photo taken in the year 1908.

The once booming but now impoverished McDowell County, West Virginia, was formerly one of the top coal producers in the nation, producing almost 90 million tons of coal each year. Due to its location in the coal-abundant Appalachian Mountains, McDowell obtained substantial profits during the Industrial Revolution, a time in which demand for coal was at its peak. Lionized by the media and given nicknames such as “Little New York” and “Coalwood,” McDowell attracted investors and businesses that bolstered the local economy. Despite this success, McDowell currently ranks as one of the poorest and least-educated counties in the United States.

McDowell’s crash from one of the nation’s wealthiest economies to one of the poorest indicates the county’s dependence on coal for economic growth. The term Dutch Disease refers to an economy’s dependence on a natural resource in high demand; while the disease results in short-term economic prosperity, it often leads to long-term economic hardship. Seeking to capitalize off the coal-powered technologies of the newly-industrial age such as the railroad engine or steel making, the West Virginia Legislature heavily promoted coal production. The state utilized methods such as advertising J. H. Debar’s piece, The West Virginia Handbook and Immigrants Guide, which was used to persuade immigrants throughout the United States to settle in West Virginia and become miners. Likewise, the state claimed that the coal industry was more beneficial to the economy than other industries in order to attract private speculators. As a result, many people migrated to West Virginia for the sake of the coal industry, and the industry’s production became an essential resource of McDowell’s economy. 

However, the common argument that McDowell's dependency on coal caused its subsequent economic decline places the blame on the people of McDowell, suggesting that they had control over their economy when they did not. Most importantly, this argument also ignores the influence of the greedy corporations and corrupt state government that actually prompted McDowell’s economy to falter. 

During the Industrial Revolution, coal corporations rushed into localities that were rich with the natural resource. Southern West Virginia, already known for its high supply of coal, saw scores of U.S. Coal and Coke mining operations built throughout the region, including McDowell county. Other productive industries, like timber, were bought out, replaced, or run out of business because of their inability to produce as much profit as the coal industry. The influx of coal operations to McDowell limited the county’s job diversification, and since work as a miner did not require more than a high school diploma, residents became apathetic towards college-level education. Moreover, as the state placed priority on advancing the coal industry, county schools were improperly supplied or disregarded. Many schools lacked sufficient funding and staff, which caused educators to turn away from McDowell. Ultimately, with limited jobs available and wide-spread indifference toward pursuing higher education in McDowell, mining seemed to be the only option available to many residents. 

Naturally, the increased need for coal energy in the industrializing United States led private speculators to champion coal mining as a profitable industry. However, in order to maximize profits and increase available land for mining corporations, private speculators bribed local judges, who would falsely rule proof of land ownership in their favor. Indeed, many working-class people, whose families were native to the land for generations, faced unjust evictions so that coal companies could make profits. 

Corruption in McDowell lingered as coal operators gained more political power over the people of McDowell through employment contracts. As unions began organizing throughout West Virginia coal mines, coal operators feared that strikes would occur in its largest producer, McDowell. To prevent workers from unionizing, miners were mandated to sign a yellow-dog contract, restricting them from being a member of, joining, or organizing a union. These contracts enabled mining companies to exploit their miners and were so oppressive that a West Virginia court referred to them as a contract between “master and servant.” The coal operators closely monitored the political activity of the miners, even reading their mail. Moreover, those who lived in housing provided by the coal industry were under even more pressure to adhere to these contracts because they would otherwise be removed from their homes and only source of income.    

In addition to these methods of exploiting McDowell’s working-class residents, coal corporations seeked to gain further profits by mechanizing mines. Electric devices such as cutting machines were used to penetrate the interior of coal, utilizing explosives or other tools. Initially, coal-mining technologies like this did not replace miners as they were meant to assist workers with the strenuous work of mining. However, once cutting machines and other technologies could automatically load large amounts of coal gained popularity in the mining industry, coal companies began to fire miners. Thus, due to the mechanization of mines, families whose primary source of income was work as a miner, were forced to search for work in bordering counties or states. 

In the late 20th century, the demand for coal began to drop when the price of oil decreased due to the discovery of new oil deposits. This decreased demand for coal led to lower profits for coal corporations. Therefore, when the coal industry could not continue their exploitation of mine workers, the corporations abandoned the people of McDowell with no jobs, improper housing, and substandard education.  

Today, McDowell is still attempting to recover from the aftermath of the coal boom, as the county faces low rates of education and high rates of poverty. West Virginia Senator Joe Manchin III and other officials recently showed efforts to revive the county with the “Rebuilding McDowell” project, which provides $9 million to build local housing for teachers in hopes of gradually improving the quality of education in McDowell. Though the rebuilding project represents some progress for McDowell, the county will need further economic aid to fully recover from the disaster the coal boom left its residents.

Big-businesses, when teamed with corrupt state dignitaries, do all that they can to usurp the power of working-class citizens in order to gain profits. As a result, people throughout the nation do not have access to proper education and housing conditions. Members of the working-class must address the underdevelopment of places like McDowell as a systematic problem that can be solved through engaging in collective action. Worker-solidarity movements such as the United Mine Workers of America (UMWA) can serve as a voice and outlet to express opinions towards working conditions. Once workers throughout the nation come together as a unit, exploitation and oppression in the workplace can be mitigated or prevented entirely. 

Christian Gist is a sophomore in Columbia College studying political science and human rights.  He is from Charleston, West Virginia and is interested in issues affecting the working class.