Iraqi Resilience
Protesters in October take over an abandoned building known as the Turkish Restaurant in Baghdad’s Tahrir Square. Photo courtesy of Hassan Majed.
On the night of Qassem Soleimani’s killing, my father’s family joined us for chai in our small but cozy home, as they do most cold winter nights. The Arabic TV news channel was playing in the background to accompany the sound of conversation. Suddenly, the chattering voices were interrupted by blaring headlines—complete silence fell over the room. Everyone’s attention followed the brightly lit screen. Frustration and distress replaced joy. I frantically began asking questions and tried to process what happened. We clustered closer to the television as the talk of deteriorating Iranian-American relations continued to circulate between newscasters.
My family identified an important narrative missing from the discussion happening live: what does this mean for the Iraqi people? For our family? For other families there? Conflict in Iraq is perpetuated and exacerbated by the involvement of outside entities: both the American and Iranian governments utilize Iraqi resources, land, and people as a means to exert global influence. As their interests play out in Iraq, an outlet for violence is being created that is harming a country in the process of reconstruction. The focus on the U.S.-Iran affair reduced news coverage on ongoing Iraqi demonstrations, diminishing the efforts of Iraqi citizens who had partaken in the first wave of protests in October 2019: a movement which tackled government corruption and poor quality of living.
Persistence allowed a new round of resistance to flourish. A second wave of mass demonstrations formed following Soleimani’s death in January 2020. These protesters have been reiterating an important message: Iran and the US are not welcome and can no longer usher in violence. One protester, Mustafa Brahim, climbed on top of the al-Jumhuriya bridge along with a small crowd shouting that he wanted all military powers gone: “British, Americans, Iranians—all of them… if they want to fight, they can do it on their own land.” The recent protests have not only addressed foreign influence and proxies in Iraq, but deal with domestic affairs and recent political changes—a continuation of the first protests that began in the fall of 2019. Success was near when the first protests encouraged Adel Abdul Mahdi to resign as prime minister. Obeying protester demands, he resigned from the position a month later. Now, citizens have been very adamant about rejecting the new prime minister, Mohammed Tawfiq Allawi, who was elected to replace Abdul Mahdi.
Removing foreign powers from the country has evolved to be a critical goal for Iraqi demonstrators due to Soleimani’s death. Over a month ago, Iraq’s Parliament voted to “end any foreign presence on Iraqi soil and prevent the use of Iraqi airspace, soil, and water for any reason.” The Prime Minister of Iraq at the time, Abdul Mahdi, echoed similar thoughts on foreign involvement by asking the United States to devise a system for the withdrawal of the 5,000 American troops currently stationed in the country. The Iraqi government, along with its citizens, has made it clear to the international community that foreign influence and conflict are unwanted.
American-Iranian tensions were boiling a month prior to the assasination at Baghdad International Airport. In late December, the U.S. blamed an Iranian-backed group for the killing of an American contractor in Kirkuk and the wounding of several other Americans. Firing strikes was a strategy Iran utilized even before the day Soleimani was killed. The drone strike that killed the Iranian general was launched in response to the attack in Kirkuk.
Unfortunately, the proxy war continues. In response to Soleimani's death, Iranian-backed militias are still launching airstrikes. Iran fired over a dozen rockets at two U.S. military bases in Iraq as a form of retribution directly after. Most recently, on February 16, 2020, Iran launched rocket strikes in Iraq targeting the U.S. embassy. Iran desires to remove U.S. influence, but continues to ignore the damage and conflict that strategy inflicts on Iraq. While the missile strike launched in early January as a response to Soleimani’s death did not cause casualties, significant harm was done, destroying infrastructure and paving way for even more violence to occur.
Airstrikes in December and the most recent rocket launches are not the only attacks that have transpired in Iraq. Iran and the U.S. followed similar military policy much earlier. Physical destruction was a crucial tactic to both sides as clashes took place last summer. In July 2019, an Israeli airstrike hit a militia base in Northern Iraq that caused a fire and killed two Iranians. Then, in August, Israel launched airstrikes against a weapons storage facility controlled by Iranian-backed militia known as the Popular Mobilization Forces. The drone strike killed two members of the PMF. The Popular Mobilization Forces accused the United States and Israel of the drone strike, which also connected to multiple explosions that happened on similar bases, such as the earlier attack in July. The strike in August killed one Iraqi civilian and wounded 28 others.
Military disputes in Iraq, between Iran and the United States, are not a recent phenomenon and have existed for years. An extensive history of foreign involvement in Iraq by the American and Iranian governments predates the last few months. Iraqi dictator Saddam Hussein invaded Iraq in the 1980s, starting an eight-year war that left hundreds of thousands dead. In 1990, Iraq invaded U.S. ally Kuwait, beginning the Gulf War—Kuwait and the US defeated Hussein. Next, the United States ousted Hussein from power in the 2003 invasion of Iraq.
Iraq was left susceptible to outside influence as Iran exercised control over the country politically and militarily, establishing allies within the Iraqi parliament and securing Iraqi security forces under Iranian control. The U.S. invasion of Iraq in 2003 created turmoil for the next 17 years, allowing conflict to manifest. In addition, ISIS occupation of Iraq inhibited Iranian and U.S. interests for years. These two countries remained deeply entrenched in Iraqi affairs due to the looming threat of another political faction creating even more instability in the region.
Ironically, while trying to minimize the harm caused by ISIS, Iran and the U.S. have created turmoil, too. The complex history and interactions between these two foreign influences reveal that American and Iranian political and military forces have long overstayed their visit. The airstrike that killed Soleimani was not the only attack that the United States instigated in December either. The U.S. launched three strikes in Iraq and two strikes in Syria following the death of the American contractor in Kirkuk. These were direct attacks on Iranian presence in the region, but this conflict has remained two-way. American attacks on Iranian forces were a response to the 11 attacks that Iranian forces carried out over the last two months on bases that housed American forces.
The Qayyarah oil fields burn south of Mosul in 2016. Photo courtesy of Mstyslav Chernov.
Government leadership in Iraq strongly opposes involvement by Americans and Iranians. Iraq’s National Security Advisor, Falih al-Fayadh, released a statement expressing his fear of Iraq being “pushed into a war” and wanted to avoid taking sides in conflicts between Iran and other countries. Al-Fayadh is not the only political figurehead in Iraq who voiced resistance to foreign influence. In an interview with the New Yorker, the President of Iraq, Barham Salih, disclosed his anxiety regarding Soleimani’s death. The country was on its way to becoming more stable following the war on ISIS and working on regenerative efforts. Now the onset of war is lingering, threatening the infrastructural progress that has been made. Caught in a ceaseless crossfire between the US and Iran, Iraqis are suffering once again at the hands of outside influence.
In addition, President Barham Salih emphasized that over the course of the last forty years, Iraq was forced to endure conflicts across the Middle East. “Everyone had a proxy to fight this war on Iraqi soil, essentially using Iraqi resources and Iraqi lives,” he stated. The current situation in Iraq jeopardizes the lives of citizens and limits access to public services. Protesters are attempting to alleviate wounds from the last decade, but outside forces deepen them further. As a result, the Iraqi Parliament voted to reject not only American presence but all foreign presence in the country.
Both American and Iranian influence have undoubtedly halted Iraqi progress. By choosing to bomb Iran on Iraqi soil, the United States paved way for more violence in Iraq. Abbas Kadhim, the director of the Iraq Initiative at the Atlantic Council, highlighted that after the siege of the U.S. embassy by the 2019 pro-Iranian protesters, the Iraqi prime minister intervened in order to clear demonstrators away from the embassy. Despite attempts to mediate conflict between Americans and Iranians, the U.S. responded drastically by assassinating Soleimani, making it nearly impossible for Iraq to reconcile the two sides.
However, Americans are not working alone as a destructive force. Iran perpetuates violence through constant airstrike launches, a maneuver frequently made before and after Soleimani’s death. Iranian-sponsored militias remain extremely prevalent in Iraq, leading attacks against U.S. presence in Iraq. Iran’s government retains investments in Iraq's political and military affairs. For example, Iraqi officials are often impacted by the Iranian government—either backed or blocked—by Iranian leadership. Geography plays a critical role in Iranian-Iraqi relations because not only are the countries neighboring one another, but Iran’s domination of Iraq arises from a desire to establish military presence between Tehran and the Mediterranean.
Pushing out this presence has been key for Iraqi demonstrators. “Iran out, out,” they declared. Since October, Tahrir Square has been occupied by Iraqi civilians advocating for government changes: among these changes includes a desire to disband from Iran’s control. Iranian forces also became increasingly involved in these protests as a result, detracting from the political and cultural reform that many citizens have been advocating for in the last months.
Protesters occupy Tahrir Square in November.
In fact, when Iraqis began protesting for better living conditions and governmental corruption, they were still met with corruption and brutality from Iraq’s security apparatus and Iranian-backed militias. Iran’s continued hostility stems from the threat of ongoing protests. Committed and resilient, though, protesters carried out in the streets and camped out in tents. More than 500 Iraqis were killed in the protest and 19,000 were injured. Yet, major publications gave more attention to the US-centered embassy attacks by Iran.
Despite the neverending proxy violence, Iraqi people refuse to be stripped of their agency. A week after Soleimani’s death, Iraqis commenced the second mass demonstration at Baghdad's Tahrir Square to demand an overhaul to the Iraqi political system and foreign interference. Since American-Iranian affairs halted the first round of protests in the fall, demonstrators refused to be passive and reacted proactively. External affairs in Iraqi politics did not inhibit protesters from once again returning to the capital—especially for the youth.
The original goal of the October protests dealt with dissatisfaction regarding current political leaders and grew to a larger motivation of abolishing the sectarian system of government. It was a wide-scale effort—the largest protest since Hussein was in power. These peaceful demonstrations brought success, and Abdul Mahdi’s resignation is a tangible example of their power. The passion for a better country arises from the unhappiness that Iraq's younger generation feels. Adults are not the only Iraqis that oppose foreign presence in the country: anti-government protests are being led by students, often between the ages of 13 and 18. The strength of the resistance is a result of the youth’s engagement.
An 11-year old named Fadlallah is partaking in the current protests. In response to American and Iranian intervention, he proclaimed that “My generation and I, not any outsider, will be ruling this country.” Youth involvement arises from the squalid conditions which have existed since the overthrow of Hussein. This disdain has been communicated by revitalizing the peaceful protest movement against elitism. Government corruption, at both an international level and domestically, is enough to fuel these protests further.
Sadly, these individuals are met with more hostility as the Iraqi government suppresses these demonstrations. An abhorrent reaction to harm civilians arises from politicians and government elites. As the second wave of demonstrations continue, protesters are targets of severe violence: hunting rifles loaded with birdshot, stones, and firebombs are being used. 50 civilians have been injured so far. While these Iraqis are suffering extreme brutality, protests continue despite the dangerous conditions.
The resilience of citizens in the face of foreign influence and governmental corruption indicates a brighter, more hopeful future. An established pattern of proxy conflict between Iran and the United States has existed for years. In order to prioritize the needs of Iraqi protesters, the removal of foreign entities and specifically, for Iranians and Americans to halt bombings on Iraqi land, will allow these civilians to focus on the necessary changes that must take place to improve the living conditions for all. Young individuals are carving a path for themselves amidst the chaos and organizing around the ideals of a more helpful future.
Elina Arbo is a staff writer at CPR and sophomore in Columbia College studying Urban Studies. Right now, she is probably enjoying a $1.75 iced coffee from Hamilton Deli while making a playlist for the next WBAR radio show.